On January 15 1966, a bloody coup, which claimed several high profile lives took place in Nigeria. Its exactly 50 years today and as expected, the social media is now littered with e-arguments or e-wars, about what transpired in the unfortunate coup.

It is important to note that, as a result of sentiments adopted by elders in narrating the war story, many young Nigerians who have no means of confirming what they were told by these elders or story writers had hold unto such fallacies and continue to promote the
sentiments without questioning its logicality.

Some had even gone beyond promoting the sentiment to outright falsehood, concocting their own false tales to back up several myths, in justification of any view they hold or promote in public discuss regarding the civil war or the 1966 coup.

In view of the heat generated by such argument, I present this opinion, ‘’victim of unknown conspiracy’’ to dissect the first coup détat in Nigeria.

In January 1966, a bloody coup took place in Nigeria which claimed the lives of several important personalities. Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu is the visible leader of the bloody coup which led to the death of several Nigerian leaders particularly in the northern Nigeria.

C.K. Nzeogwu was an infantryand intelligence officer of the Nigerian Army. He is an igbo man, but was born in the North. His Hausa colleagues in the Nigerian Army gave him the name “Kaduna” because of his love with the town. Nzeogwu and others, who were mostly from the eastern part of the country planned and executed the coup which led to unrest in the country.

Also, the perceived tribal consideration of the new military head of state (Aguinyi Ironsi) subsequently led to a counter coup and the Nigerian civil war.

Late literal icon, Prof Chinua Achebe in his book ‘’there was a country’’ wrote about the Biafran war. The book generated a lot of controversy with the perceived sentimental account narrated by the revered writer, bringing back the tensed atmosphere of the civil war itself.

Many prominent Nigerian countered the narration of the late writer and termed his book, igbo narration which contained sentiments rather than truth. Another book, ‘’Half of a yellow sun’’ written by Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie was another prominent narration of the civil war story from an igbo perspective, which most Nigerian regarded as a sectional account of the reality of war. Both books depict igbo as victims, which many Nigerians feel otherwise, accusing the writers of false narration.

According to the history of the coup as written on Wikipedia, In the early hours of January 15, 1966, Nzeogwu led a group of officers on a supposedly military exercise and led them to attack the official residence of the premier of the north Sir. Amadu Bello in a bloody coup that saw the murder of the Premiers of Northern and Western Nigeria.

The Prime Minister, a federal minister, two regional premiers, and top Army officers from the Northern and Western regions of the nation were brutally murdered. The premier of the Eastern region (where most of the plotters came from), the Igbo President of federation and the Igbo Army Chief were the only notable individuals spared. The coup failed, and he was later arrested in Lagos on January 18, 1966.

Reliable account have it that, Nzeogwu could not have been responsible for sparing the Eastern politicians during the coup because he was in charge of the North, while fellow coupists who were equally from the east were in charge of the Eastern region.

The coup failed, as one of those marked for execution in the coupist plan ( G.O.C. Ironsi) seems to be awaren of the plot and was prepared to suppress it after a partial execution. Nzeogwu eventually surrender to Ironsi, but instead of restoring order to the appropriate political leadership, Ironsi at gun point forced the deputies of the civilian murdered leaders to hand over power to him which they did. He became the head of state and made some appointments.

Nzeogwu and other plotters were arrested and transferred to prison In eastern part of the country where they hail.

The leniency with which the new leader, General Aguiyi Ironsi (also an Igbo), handled the coup plotters led to the dissatisfaction of northern officers and subsequently resulted in a counter-coup on the 29th of July, 1966.

In Nzeogwu’s wikipedia profile, it was reported this way, the coup d’état itself failed, as Ironsi rallied the military against the plotters. But Ironsi did not bring the failed plotters to trial as requested by military law and as advised by most northern and western officers. Ironsi then instituted military rule by subverting the constitutional succession and alleging that the democratic institutions had failed and that, while he was defending them, they clearly needed revision and clean-up before reversion back to democratic rule.

It was established according Wikipedia that, Nzeogwu was initially detained at the Kirikiri maximum security prisonin Lagos, before later being transferred to the East. He and other January 15 mutiny detainees were subsequently released from jail by governor of the eastern region Lt. Col. Emeka Ojukwu (also an Igbo) at the end of the first quarter of 1967, following demonstrations by Igbo students of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

On May 30, 1967, The nation of Biafra declared its independence from Nigeria. Nzeogwu was released from close observation, and asked to go into battle on the side of the Biafrans.

Since January 1966 when the first military coup took place in Nigeria, many have continued to argue about the agenda of the coup plotters. Some say it was a poorly executed national exercise, while others see it as a grand plot by a section of the country to seize power, but in the opinion of this writer, the coup seems to be carried out by two (2) ideological blocs, which is unknown to some of the plotters, particularly Nzeogwu who was known as the visible leader of the coup.

The first ideological bloc consist of those who genuinely believed in the coup as a national exercise and are patriotic enough to want to lay their lives for the prosperity of the country. This group consist of Nzeogwu and few others. The second ideological bloc consist of those coupists, who were tribalistic in motive, but displayed patriotic outlook to convince others of their dedication to the national exercise. The second bloc was represented primarily by those who were suppose to execute the coup in the eastern part of the country and probably some from among those who were to execute it in the western region.

According to revelations that emerge from police investigation, it was revealed that the coup was initiated by the second ideological bloc before Nzeogwu was recruited, the coup planning started in August 1965, Nzeogwu was said be recruited in September that year.

According to official police report of the coup’s investigation.

In August 1965, three officers, Major Okafor, Major Ifeajuna and Captain Oji who were already dissatisfied with political developments in the Federation and the impact of these developments on the Army, held series of discussions between them about the matter and set about the task of searching for other officers who held views similar to their own and who could, eventually, be trusted to join them in the enterprise of staging a military coup d’etat.

In September 1965, Major I. H. Chukwuka of Nigerian Army Headquarters Lagos was persuaded to join the group of conspirators, followed in October 1965 by Major C. I. Anuforo, also of the Army headquarters. Major Chukwuma. Kaduna. Nzeogwu was brought in around that time through the efforts of Major Anuforo, an old friend of both Majors Nzeogwu and Okafor. Major Nzeogwu in turn secured the support for the plan of Major A. Ademoyega who had worked with him in the Nigerian Army Training College Kaduna.

By early November, the recruiting activities of the group were completed and an inner circle of conspirators emerged. We must note here that, the three (3) officers, Major Okafor, Major Ifeajuna and Captain Oji who initiated the coup were just the actual executors of the coup, it is possible that there are shadow parties involved, who might have given these young planners the motivation and secret backing to go ahead with the coup before they recruited other members including Nzeogwu.

It is a well known fact that Nzeogwu resent the way the country was being governed at that time.This can be seen in his speech after he successfully executed the plan in northern Nigeria.

According to Nzeogwu, “Our enemies are the political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low places that seek and take bribes and demand 10 percent (from contracts), those that seek to keep the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as minister or VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that make the country look big for nothing before international circle, those that have corrupted our society and put the Nigerian political calendar back by their words and deeds.”— Kaduna Nzeogwu, January 1966.

He never hides his resentment. It was also a well known fact that the only person capable of successfully eliminating the Northern leaders was a man like Nzeogwu who was well respected in the north despite being from the east. Knowing how much he was ready to get rid of all enemies of his beloved nation, it was easy to get him on board.

According to a Nigerian historian MAX SIOLLUN,what is clear is that Nzeogwu had harbored some anti-government sentiment for several years before 1966.

Max stated that, Nzeogwu’s boss at the Nigerian Military Training College, Colonel Ralph Shodeinde, had in the past reported Nzeogwu to Army Headquarters for allegedly disseminating anti-government rhetoric to junior officers. Shodeinde’s report claimed that Nzeogwu had been attempting to poison junior officers’ minds against the Government (see Obasanjo: “An intimate portrait of Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu”).

Nzeogwu was so disillusioned with the farcical vote rigging that he exclaimed, “It is impossible to vote out a Nigerian minister.” Max Siollun had stated that, Some claim that Nzeogwu’s participation in the January 1966 coup was part of a grand Igbo agenda to “dominate” the country.

He argues that this argument overlooks the fact that Nzeogwu was an Igbo in name only. Nzeogwu was born in the Northern Region’s capital of Kaduna to Igbo immigrant parents from the Mid-West Region. Such was his family’s affinity to the city of Nzeogwu’s birth that they and his military colleagues called him “Kaduna.” In my opinion, the above argument by Max even gave further reason why Nzeogwu was recruited.

For such a coup to take place successfully, there must be competent hand in all region to adequately take care of the identified enemies, but there was no way the initial plotters could convince northern officers close enough to the targets to join the plot. They needed someone with credibility enough to gain confidence of junior officers in the north, someone who could convince them to join in the implementation of the perceived national exercise. May be, just may be, Nzeogwu was recruited to fill in such a strategic vacuum.

Here, we must understand the nature of the igbo reasoning even in the present day Nigeria.

According to an igbo associate of mine, Henry Chukwuma who felt frustrated about his effort to be an igbo as well as Nigerian faithfully, he stated that, ‘’tribalism for our people (igbo) is the order, while nationalism is an exception. Chukwuma noted that, our people know we are tribal and they are proud about it, in fact, we igbo’s are exposed to ethnocentric ideas from childhood. Chukwuma said.

He further added that, any igbo man or woman not egocentric in nature is considered a bastard, adding that, any nationalistic igbo person may have been brought up outside igbo land or at least, must have traveled far and wide to balance his or her reasoning. If such individual actually grows up and live in the east, they are very rare and should be considered as special igbo, adding that, it would be difficult for such individuals to rally much support for any political engagement.

Chukwuma further added that a nationalistic igbo person is likely not to be trusted by most people in the east because they see them as likely saboteur against the igbo interest. To our people, it is either you are for igbo or against it. Henry said.

Chukwuma didn’t stop there, he went further to say, we igbo are not just tribal to other tribes like Yoruba,Hausa and the rest, even among ourselves (igbo), our people are discriminatory against other igbo whom they consider as less igbo.

For example, people from Anambra are considered as the original igbo, while people from Imo are considered less igbo. Our Anambra igbo surely discriminate against Imo igbo. In any political or social engagement, hardly will Anambra igbo support Imo or others considered as less igbo to take leadership Chukwuma concluded.

From the above, it could be said that, to some igbo’s, igbo superiority against other tribes is a right that must be upheld by all igbo. If you consider other tribes like you consider igbo, you are likely to be regarded as untrusted or a likely saboteur to igbo interest. That may be the reason why Nzeogwu was unaware of the motives of other coupists from unset. He Nzeogwu later confessed, ‘’it was tribal in the south’’.

Nzeogwu was known to be nationalistic in view, and someone who may never consider participating in any sectional agenda. So, Nzeogwu may not have known about the plan of the eastern officers to betray the national exercise for sectional loyalty, a national exercise which may likely not exist in the heart of eastern coupist in the first place.

It may be deduced here that, while Nzeogwu is an igbo man by nature, the fact that he has different ideology from that of other igbo coupist cast him aside, as a mere tool in the hand of the other plotters to achieve an earlier designed agenda before his recruitment. Ex-Senate President Nwafor Orizu told Alhaji Shehu Shagari that Major Nzeogwu was “an unknown entity among the Ibos (sic) in the Eastern region.”

Furthermore, Major Abubakar A. Atofarati: CSC 1992 stated that, the aim of the coup is as follows: To establish a strong, unified and prosperous nation, free from corruption and internal strife. The outcome of the half-hearted and ill-fated coup was a change of political balance in the country. Here, it can be argued that, while Nzeogwu’s interest and desire of officers in the first bloc lie in the aim, the interest and desire of the second bloc lie in the outcome as it was said, nothing ever happens in world politics without people planning it.

When the eastern region Governor, Emeka Ojukwu declared the secession of Biafra, the only igbo military voice heard against such secession was from Nzeogwu. Other coupist went mute. Where are the other patriotic national officers ready to lay their lives in a military coup for Nigeria? Their much beloved Nigeria is on the verge of civil war and their voice were no where to be heard. What was the reaction of Okafor, Major Ifeajuna and Captain Oji who initiated the coup when the war almost broke out? Nothing.

On the eve of the civil war, Nzeogwu whose eastern region was about to go into a civil war with the rest of the country publicly expressed his opposition to the Biafran declaration in an interview despite knowing the consequence of such expression.

Hear him: “In the first place, secession will be ill-advised, indeed impossible. Even if the east fights a war of secession and wins, it still cannot secede.”

Nzeogwu stated further that, “personally, I don’t like secession and if this country disintegrates, I shall pack up my things and go. In the present circumstances, confederation is the best answer as a temporary measure. In time, we shall have complete unity.”

To further establish the nationalistic nature of this patriotic fellow called Nzeogwu, MAX SIOLLUN quoted Nzeogwu’s letter before the war to his friend Olusegun Obasanjo In June 17, 1967 where Nzeogwu confessed: “You have no doubt heard a lot of rumors about my relations with Ojukwu. We obviously see things quite differently after what he did to my supporters in January 1966. He is also worried about my popularity among his own people. I was to be put back in prison, but he was afraid of repercussions. Right now I am not allowed contact with troops nor am I permitted to operate on the staff. One gentleman’s agreement we have is that I can carry on with what ever pleases me.”

From the tone in this letter, we could see that Nzeogwu see’s himself less of an igbo, but more of a Nigerian. He also wrote in the letter: “I will create a new Nigerian army inside Biafra!! With Igbo, Hausa, Yoruba and all other ethnic groups.” Nzeogwu wrote. Even inside Biafra while the war was abut to begin, Nzeogwu was still committed to building a great Nigeria. What a rare patriot we have lost to internal strife.

In an interview with Ejindu in 1967, Nzeogwu was asked that, a lot has been talked and written about the January coup. But how tribalistic was it really in conception and execution? He responded thus: In the North, no. In the South, yes. He stated that, ‘we were five in number, and initially we knew quite clearly what we
wanted to do. We had a short list of people who were either undesirable for the future progress of the country or who by their positions at the time had to be sacrificed for peace and stability.’

“Tribal considerations were completely out of our minds at this stage. But we had a set-back in the execution. Both of us in the North did our best. But the other three who were stationed in the South failed because of incompetence and misguided considerations in the eleventh hour. The most senior among them was in charge of a whole brigade and had all the excuse and opportunity in the world to mobilize his troops anywhere, anyhow and any time. He did it badly. In Lagos, even allowing for one or two genuine mistakes, the job was badly done.”

“The Mid-West was never a big problem. But in the East, our major target, nothing practically was done. He and the others let us down. Nzeogwu said.

This above submission by Nzeogwu clearly reveal the conspiracy of what truly happened in the eastern part of the country during the first coup. The explanation by Nzeogwu himself was clear, there was of course tribal consideration by those in the east.

Here we know, Nzeogwu was victim of unknown conspiracy.

When Nzeogwu was further asked by Ejindu: ‘It has been said that Gen. Ironsi set out to complete your job for you. Was there anything you did not like in his administration?’ Nzeogwu replied: ‘Yes, everything. First he chose the wrong advisers for the work he halfheartedly set out to do. Most of them were either mediocre or absolutely unintelligent. Secondly, he was tribalistic in the appointment of his governors. Thirdly the Decree 34 was unnecessary, even silly in fact.’

While it may not be completely proven that there indeed exist a conspiracy, I believe the time line of events and actions of key players in the coup as clearly established in the above submission shows the possibility of a conspiracy.

But irrespective of what happened during the early days of Nigeria, we must learn from the past and move forward. Accusation and counter accusation is not the best way to heal past wounds, it can never be a way to re-write the wrong of yesterday, rather, it fuels hatred and suspicion.

Therefore, all Nigerians irrespective of region or tribe must agree that, those who represented us in the past had committed some error and we must never allow it to repeat itself. 70% of people living today in each region have nothing to do with yesterday’s error, greed and conspiracy. They have nothing to do with the mockery of
northern region, neither do they participate in the pogrom of the easterners.

If we all relate with each other with respect, truth and sincerity, there won’t be any reason to remember past mistakes.
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Op-ed pieces and contributions are the opinions of the writers only and do not represent the opinions of Y!/YNaija

Abdulrazaq O Hamzat writes from Abuja. He can be reached via [email protected]