Anyone reading the news today would be forgiven for thinking Nigeria is back in the 1980s and 1990s. In some ways, we are already there, what with a recession caused in part by low oil prices, but even more so by wasteful and corrupt governments.

Just like the economy, the judiciary has also come under attack. Overnight raids were conducted by the DSS on the homes of judges in 6 states, in simultaneous sting operations related to corruption. In one case, they assaulted the brother of Justice Nnamdi Dimgba.

News like this is brings back painful memories of the assault on institutions by successive military governments of Buhari, Babangida, and Abacha, a time when all the optimism about Nigeria turned to ash, taking with it the hopes and even the lives, of many.

Buhari came to power last year pledging to have shed his military skin, and called himself a ‘reformed democrat’. Now, under his watch, State Security invades the homes of judges, with corruption as the pretext.

It is important to be clear about this. The SSS are not the police, and the judges are not yet under investigation for any crimes. Furthermore, the first line of discipline for erring judges is the Nigerian Judicial Commission. If any of those judges are suspected of any crimes, there is a due process to follow, and there is no evidence of that process being followed here.

What is this due process? Approach the National Judicial Council with evidence of judicial malfeasance, raise petitions against them, and let the NJC take the decision. At the 78th meeting of the NJC which held at on September 29th, the council forcibly retired Innocent Umezulike, former Chief Justice of the Enugu State; Ladan Tsamiya, Presiding Justice of the Court of Appeal in Ilorin; and Kabiru Auta of the Kano High Court. Auta was recommended for prosecution.

Having been dismissed by the NJC, these three former justices are fair game, but the other justices whose homes were raided: Adeniyi Ademola and Nnamdi Dimgba of the Federal High Court in Abuja, Sylvester Ngwuta and John Okoro of the Supreme Court and Mohammed Liman of the Port-Harcourt High Court are another matter entirely.

Merely screaming about ‘corruption’ and releasing a list of amounts recovered in the homes of those judges is not a justification for such an interference with the judicial arm of government. The processes of the NJC should be allowed to take their course. Despite all the pyrotechnics regarding the arrest – and continued detention without trial – of Sambo Dasuki, as it stands, the Buhari administration is yet to close a single corruption case. It shows that ‘trial by media’ is not a substitute for building a solid case that will ensure a conviction.

All those who died trying to get the military out of power, taking on huge personal sacrifices, did not do so for the SSS to storm the residences of judges in the middle of the night, in 2016.

On top of the pain caused by the recession, it is baffling as to why anyone in the Buhari administration thought it was a good idea to awaken thoughts of military dictatorship. Those who refused to support Buhari and have always been suspicious of him on grounds of his authoritarian past now have all the ammunition they need. Those people have long held that the organs of the state are being used not to fight corruption, but as a means of intimidation.

30 years after he was head of state the first time, and after 12 years of seeking Nigeria’s Presidency as a civilian, it is time to wonder what exactly Buhari has learnt from those days, and how exactly he is different. In the last few months, as the economy has worsened, more people have felt the need to apologise for supporting his candidacy last year.

If this turns out to be the first of many attacks on Nigeria’s democratic institutions, those who still support him will reduce even further.

YWriter