by Nwachukwu Ani Agwu

The twentieth century was the most remarkable in human history in terms of technological advancement such as the computer and the internet. While the airplane demystified transportation to the point that one could fly from New York to London in six hours or less; technology made governance particularly participatory or more interactive.

The application of ICTs for delivering public information and services to citizens was a factor to the emergence of Open Government, #OpenGov. Launched in 2011, Open Government Partnership (OGP) seeks to make governments open, accountable, and responsive to citizens. It promises a brilliance that would enrich all of us by the accountability that comes with a transparent regime.

Despite a large body of research and evidence on policies and institutions needed to generate growth and reduce poverty, many governments fail to adopt these policies or enable the institutions. As a continent, Africa is culpable. This is one reason why African countries parade terrible records in terms of poverty and rising inequality, democratic deficits and inadequate critical infrastructures for inclusive development.

The Nigerian federation comprises of 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). In the whole federation, only seven (7) states have signed up to the OGP eight years after OGP was launched. These states include: Kano, Ebonyi, Anambra, Niger, Abia, Enugu and Kaduna. Geopolitical analysis of these states comes in the following order: South East – 4, North Central – 2, North West – 1, South-South – 0, South West – 0 and North East – 0. This was revealed by the Executive Director of the African Centre for Leadership, Strategy and Development (Centre LSD), Dr Otive Igbuzor, while speaking at the South-West OGP learning and sharing session organised by Partnership to Engage Reform and Learn (PERL), recently in Lagos.

For me, the other twenty-nine (29) and FCT have chosen to be stuck in the past, it appears. With Nigeria as the capital of extreme poverty in the world, I had expected that state governors would be pressurised into revolutionary reforms e.g. opening up budgets and public expenditures with the intention of promoting fiscal responsibility and curbing massive corruption which is now cancerous.

Corruption thrives in the dark – where you have a culture of opacity or secrecy. OGP is that international mechanism that seeks to embolden reforms that promote transparency, citizen engagement, anti-corruption and e-government. Yet, 29 Governors and the FCT Minister have either refused to show interest in fiscal responsibility or doing so sluggishly. From the foregoing, I am therefore compelled to ask: Who is afraid of public sector reforms and open government in Nigeria?

Clinically, there are reasons why political leaders resist or sabotage reforms. First, and too often, politicians fail to adopt policies that they know are necessary for sustained economic development because they are encumbered by lack of political will or what experts have described as Adverse Political Incentives (API). Adverse political incentives prevent politicians from selecting good policies. Sometimes, they are made to believe a myth which suggests a risk of losing elections should they try to do the right thing. Unexpectedly and laughably, they buy-in into such “assurances” hawked by sycophants usually found in corridors of power. In the end, lack of political will breeds cynicism among citizens and countries usually pay dearly for it.

Second, consequent upon adverse political incentives or lack of political will to hold back corruption is Perverse Behavioural Norms (PBN). It is PBN among civil servants or citizens that seek to extract private/dishonest benefits from the government as a “compensation” for governments’ failure to provide social amenities. These behaviours also produce a feeling of unwillingness to pay tax by citizens which ultimately weakens the social contract. Even when technically sound policies are nominated by politicians, implementation can run into perverse behavioural norms which support obnoxious beliefs that corruption is pardonable.

Although countries with low incidence of corruption and strong institutions experience problems of political incentives and behaviour that prevent the public sector from solving shared problems, the observation is mostly found in repressive states and weak democracies. Is Nigeria an example of a repressive state? Literature has it that ideological polarisation among citizens and capture by special interests lead to policy gridlock and failure to provide public goods, often called “dividends” of democracy.

To substantiate claims with specific scenarios, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the major revenue-generating cooperation of the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN), has refused to recognise Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), passed into law since 2011. Doubtlessly, impunity has festered unabated. Some individuals and civil societies who find no moral justification on how the corporation has evaded justice, has taken turn to vent their frustration by referring to the NNPC headquarters as the Towers of Corruption. Public analysts have interpreted the new nomenclature as carrot and stick approach in response to their dissatisfaction with the perceived fiscal irresponsibility by the corporation.

Another haven of corruption is the echelons of civil service and elective political positions in Nigeria. Till today, nobody knows exactly what a Nigerian senator, legislator, minister or even the president is taking home from taxpayers. Sadly, versions of unverified amounts are routinely speculated in the media but the government does not feel morally bound to disclose their pay slips. Consequently, monthly remuneration of these politicians remains like a secret of the occult world only known by bonafide members. Under the hashtag: #OpenNASS and #OpenBudget, citizens have taken to social media in an attempt to force the lid open. Regrettably, these politicians are cunning; they have a structure that divides citizens along ethnic and religious fault lines, thereby weakening the power of collective voice and action.

The scenarios are endless. The above-highlighted examples are for purposes of emphasis. In the words of Albert Einstein, the world is a dangerous place, not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing. By my conjectures, one strong antidote to corruption in Nigerian circumstances is open government. With OGP, the system will become transparent, citizens will see through and accountability can be strongly demanded.

In conclusion, I am moved by empathy to ask again: Who is afraid of public sector reforms in Nigeria? Be it the government or citizens or whosoever, Nigerian polity needs a form of restructuring. Let us damn the pretence! There should be serious development plans and mechanisms aimed at reducing the worsening statistic of poverty, deprivations and inequality in the country. One way to respond is by blowing up the black box. By the black box, I mean government expenditures – hitherto kept secret, for public scrutiny and exploitation. Many are the potentials presented by Open Government. I urge the three tiers of government to brave up and adopt disruptive mechanisms in managing public policies and delivering social services. This is an advocacy essay for open government in Nigeria. I will be right back.